Will the political events of November effect a change in the American role in the Northern Ireland peace process?
The mid-term election in the United States produced a Republican landslide, and cost some noted Irish-Americans their seats, but the results are not as worrying for the Irish government and Sinn Féin in terms of the peace process as one might expect.
However much the land-slide may undermine the 1996 re-election hopes of Bill Clinton — who has been the only U.S. President in recent history to show interest in Irish affairs — the power change may actually correspond with the new Sinn Féin agenda.
The Irish Republican movement (those who support a 32-county Republic) has steadily built a bi-partisan base of support in Congress, neutralizing the myth that all Irish-American political support stems from the Democratic Party. Indeed, Sinn Féin now have some very powerful Republican allies.
The GOP victory has taken away legislative power from some of the Democrats who had been most active on the Irish issue in recent years. Senator Edward Kennedy, while comfortably winning reelection in what was predicted to be a tight race, has lost the reins of the influential Labor Committee, while Daniel Patrick Moynihan relinquished control of the Finance Committee. Though both still maintain substantial power, their “clout” is weaker in a GOP-controlled Congress.
The biggest election loser was House Speaker Tom Foley, who was ousted in Washington State by George Nethercutt, an inexperienced Republican. Many Irish activists have claimed that Foley’s thinking was always much more in tune with London than with Dublin, and point to the fact that he adamantly opposed a visa for Adams, although he did redeem himself in the eyes of some by meeting with Adams during his visit to Washington in October.
Foley’s replacement as Speaker, Newt Gingrich, has no real record on Ireland although it was Gingrich who approached Congressman Peter King (R. Long Island) to set up a reception in Washington where Republican members could meet Adams.
“The new leadership is intent on keeping the lines of contact open,” said one source. It is significant, however, that Margaret Thatcher was a guest speaker at a recent function of Gingrich’s GOPAC organization. Irish Republicans in Belfast may have seen an ambivalent Foley as preferable to a potentially hostile Gingrich, although Gingrich’s positions on Ireland are little known.
Representative Frank McCloskey, head of the Friends of Ireland group, also lost his seat in Indiana. McCloskey was generally seen as much less effective in that position than his predecessor, Brian Donnelly, and was often highly critical of Nationalist positions in Northern Ireland. His demise has led to rumors that the FOI grouping may now merge with the more militant Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs.
A founder of that group, Ben Gilman of New York, is the new chairman of the influential House Foreign Affairs Committee, (renamed the International Relations Committee) where he will be joined by Peter King.
Gilman has been one of the most consistent advocates on the Irish issue in Congress for many years, and his accession to this throne may prove vital when one realizes that the new Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is notorious right-winger Jesse Helms.
Congressman King has vowed to “do all that I can to hold hearings on Ireland” when he takes up his position on the committee.
New York Senator Al D’Amato will inherit control of the Senate Banking Committee, a change that also bodes well for Sinn Féin. However much he has been assailed by ethics charges at home, D’Amato has been a steadfast supporter of human rights causes in Northern Ireland. He is also closely linked to Peter King, who has been a vocal supporter of Gerry Adams.
In the current situation, D’Amato in power, may be of more use to Sinn Féin than Moynihan was. While Moynihan has often spoken out on Northern Ireland, he is opposed to the MacBride Principles (a set of fair employment guidelines for firms operating in N.I. The Senior Senator from New York redeemed himself somewhat by supporting the move allowing Adams a visa to enter the U.S.
While Republicans hold the real power in the new Congress, Sinn Féin have no shortage of Democrats on their side. Connecticut Senator Christopher Dodd, who narrowly lost election as Senate minority leader, a position previously held by Bob Dole, has played a pivotal role in much of the recent Irish lobbying and he is close to the President’s ear. Dole, who told Adams in October that he would have entered the White House “through the front door” had he been President, is the new Senate majority leader.
The Kennedy camp remained intact, and even grew in this election season. Joe Kennedy was returned unopposed in Massachusetts, while Patrick Kennedy, son of Ted, became the youngest member of Congress when elected from Rhode Island. Their presence is likely to be crucial in maintaining the U.S. focus on the peace process.
How important Ireland is likely to be in Clinton’s attempts to get reelected in two years, is now open to question. However, his obvious need to get all the support he can, and the fact that the Irish lobby has essentially been strengthened in this election, could provide an opportunity for activists to extract more concessions.
On December 1, Clinton appointed former Senate Majority Leader, George Mitchell of Maine, to be his special economic advisor to Ireland. Clinton said, “There must be a peace dividend in Northern Ireland for the peace to succeed. Peace and prosperity depend on one another.” Mitchell, whose father was the son of Irish immigrants, said he was “honored” to accept the post and said he was looking forward to working in the North during this “time of great hope.”
However, it will not be lost on Clinton that the renewed strength of the Irish lobby comes in the form of those who will be opposing him in 1996. Ireland’s importance will certainly grow if the notion of Clinton as peacemaker gains currency.
On December 6, Gerry Adams made a historic visit to the White House, the first ever by a president of Sinn Féin. However, Adams was not permitted to meet either Clinton or Vice-President Al Gore, settling instead for discussions with National Security Advisor Tony Lake. It is believed Adams has been granted permission to fundraise on future visits to the U.S., something which had previously been denied him. He also broached the issue of Irish prisoners being held in U.S. jails, in the hope that a settlement in Northern Ireland will leave the way open for repatriation.
The resignation of Irish Prime Minister Albert Reynolds was undoubtedly a big blow to Sinn Féin, who had placed significant faith in Reynolds during the early stages of the peace process. Reynolds was forced out of office amid allegations that he deliberately misled the Dáil (Irish Parliament) in a speech originally designed to defuse a growing political crisis.
The crisis arose when Reynolds insisted upon the controversial appointment of Attorney General Harry Whelehan to the presidency of the High Court over the strenuous objections of Labor, the minority coalition partner. Whelehan allegedly mishandled the case of Fr. Brendan Smyth, a Catholic priest who was convicted of child molestation last year after being extradited to Northern Ireland. The case received little publicity until late October, when it emerged that the Attorney General’s office was responsible for the seven-month delay in extraditing Smyth. Reynolds resigned on November 16.
The IRA ceasefire itself was briefly questioned on November 10, when a 54-year-old postal worker, Frank Kerr, was killed during a botched robbery attempt in the border town of Newry. Police arrested two men, described as “senior Republicans,” seven miles away. Despite initial denials by Sinn Féin leaders that IRA members were involved, the organization itself admitted responsibility 10 days later after an internal investigation.
While the Republicans reiterated the terms of the ceasefire and claimed the robbery was not sanctioned, it slowed the momentum of the peace process and led to increased calls for the IRA to hand over their arms as a gesture of sincerity. The killing occurred the day before the Irish government was due to release nine IRA prisoners from jail in response to the cessation of violence. That move, which was already under attack from right-wingers, was postponed indefinitely. It was a relief to Sinn Féin that the government crisis in Dublin soon overshadowed the killing in Newry.
During November the peace process weathered its biggest storms yet, although many Irish Republicans have expressed concern at the less-than-enthusiastic response from the British government. While the situation in Ireland remains delicate, it is reassuring to Northern Nationalists that the U.S. Irish angle remains solid.
Editor’s Note: This article was originally published in the January/February 1995 issue of Irish America. ⬥
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